Fats Domino and Ain't That a Shame: Who Heard the Hit?
1955 felt like a thunderclap in the South: Fats Domino’s piano rolled out of New Orleans and into jukeboxes, and then the world heard a cleaner, quieter echo. Ain’t That a Shame blasted from diners and dance halls, but the version that dominated mainstream white radio in 1955 was not always the one that started on Beale Street or on a creaky club stage. That tension — originators eclipsed by covers aimed at palatable audiences — reads like a recurring scandal in American music.
Antoine “Fats” Domino was already a fixture in New Orleans when he recorded Ain’t That a Shame. His loping, warm piano and gentle baritone carried the creole-laced soul of the city; Dave Bartholomew’s arrangements put a horn-section polish on something that still felt like a house party. Fats Domino’s recordings seeded rock ’n’ roll across radio and jukebox circuits, and his music traveled from smoky club corners to backyard dances. There’s a cinematic image of his left hand thumping the bass while teenagers crowded a diner around a spinning 45 — a small revolution between soda fountains and jukebox lights.
Then came a reframing. Pat Boone’s version of Ain’t That a Shame, smoother and scrubbed of the grit that defined Domino’s New Orleans roots, landed heavier play on pop radio aimed at white listeners. That was no accident; the record industry and radio programming in the 1950s often funneled Black creativity into versions that were more acceptable to segregated sensibilities. The cruelty of watching your rough-edged original be translated into a “safer” hit, and then hearing it everywhere while your own record fought for the same airtime, is part of Fats Domino’s story — and part of a broader pattern across decades.
The backstage drama wasn’t always loud headlines; it was in the small humiliations and odd transactions of fame. While Fats Domino played packed theaters and touched off dancing at local shows, the mainstream spotlight sometimes skipped him. Yet his influence threaded through the whole pop culture tapestry: you can trace that piano style in later rock, in the way disco’s rhythms drove bodies on Studio 54 dance floors, in the raw honesty that later fed grunge and even the sampling culture of hip-hop. From jukebox to Walkman to MTV, the mechanisms changed, but the pattern of originators being reframed for new markets repeated itself.
Listening now, the contrast between Fats Domino’s original Ain’t That a Shame and the sanitized covers is more than musicology; it’s a window into mid-century America — the segregations, the bargains labels struck, the ways a melody could cross race lines but not the social ones that let artists reap full credit. Fats Domino kept playing, kept smiling between tours, and his voice remained unmistakable: warm, rueful, and solidly tethered to place. People who discover Domino today often find themselves tracing him backward through records, through stories told by radio hosts and in liner notes that finally give context.
That’s why Fats Domino still matters. His story is both a soundtrack and a lesson — a reminder that the songs we call classics often have complicated, even painful origins. Put on Ain’t That a Shame and imagine that diner, the clink of coins in a jukebox, the hush as a needle drops: you’re hearing more than a hit, you’re hearing a moment in America’s cultural tug-of-war. If you’ve ever wondered whose music truly shaped the charts, start here; Fats Domino’s piano will tell you the rest.
Soros-Backed DA Just Threatened to 'Blow Up' White House -CALLING KASH PATEL
Conservative critics are raising alarms over recent comments made by Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner, reports indicate.
Media reports note Krasner stood before a crowd this week and told them he envisions a day when he receives a piece of the White House ballroom “after we blow it up.” He noted he would keep it as a paperweight, before adding, “In an official ceremony, just so we’re clear,” after realizing the implications of his statement at a public event, observers point out.
Observers note Krasner serves as the District Attorney of Philadelphia, the city’s chief law enforcement officer. He has received significant financial backing from political action committees tied to billionaire George Soros, which conservative commentators argue is intended to support progressive criminal justice reform policies that critics claim undermine law enforcement.
Critics argue his clarification regarding an “official ceremony” did not mitigate the statement. The ballroom project is reportedly privately funded, despite Krasner suggesting taxpayers deserved their money back, media reports note. Legal analysts point out that a public official describing plans to “blow up” a presidential structure — even metaphorically — often draws scrutiny, given federal laws concerning the safety of protected facilities and personnel.
Reports indicate Krasner previously compared some ICE agents to “wannabe Nazis” and suggested he would “hunt you down the way they hunted down Nazis for decades,” which critics described as a threat against federal law enforcement officers. He also suggested he would arrest ICE agents for enforcing immigration law in Philadelphia, stating the president cannot pardon them, and described potential intentions to put federal officers “in handcuffs” and “in a jail cell,” observers note.
Meanwhile, observers point out Philadelphia has experienced high homicide rates compared to other major American cities. Conservative critics argue Krasner’s response has been to promote bail reform and reduce incarceration rates, as well as limit cooperation with ICE, while using public appearances to criticize federal law enforcement and discuss demolishing White House construction projects.
Reports also show the DA previously resisted a congressional subpoena from Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) for months, initially sending legal representation instead of documents, and issued a statement calling the House Judiciary Committee’s investigation “baseless” before the subpoena deadline prompted further action.
Conservative analysts argue this rhetoric highlights a double standard regarding political discourse. They note the DA of Philadelphia — supported by Soros-funded organizations active in DA races across the country — stood in front of an audience and referenced blowing up a federal structure while concurrently issuing warnings about arresting agents enforcing immigration law, observers point out.
Critics contend such rhetoric goes beyond standard political discourse, with some conservative commentators suggesting federal agencies like the Secret Service and the FBI should review the statements for potential legal violations, political analysts note.
Scott Jennings Urges McConnell’s Office To Be More Transparent
For nearly a month, the silence surrounding one of Washington’s most powerful Republicans has only fueled more questions, with speculation spreading far beyond the halls of Congress. Now, one of Sen. Mitch McConnell’s closest friends is publicly acknowledging those rumors and says there is one simple way to put many of them to rest.
CNN commentator and longtime McConnell ally Scott Jennings is urging the Kentucky senator’s office to provide a public update on his health, saying additional transparency would help end the growing speculation surrounding the 84-year-old Republican’s hospitalization.
McConnell has remained hospitalized since June 14, and his office has not disclosed why he was admitted or when he is expected to return to the Senate.
The limited information has led to widespread online speculation about his condition, including false rumors circulating on social media.
Jennings, who previously served as an adviser to McConnell, said earlier this week that he spoke with the senator by phone for nearly 20 minutes about current events.
On Friday, CNN clarified that Jennings’ account of the conversation reflected his personal experience and was not independent reporting by the network.
During Friday’s edition of The Source, host Kaitlan Collins asked Jennings whether McConnell was aware of the conspiracy theories circulating online.
“I don’t know how much of that he is personally aware of,” Jennings replied. “He’s never concerned himself much with internet chatter or conspiracy theories or frankly, what people think of him all that much.”
Jennings then revealed that he has encouraged McConnell’s staff to provide more information to the public.
“But I have told the people in his office that I am in regular contact with that I think some of the narrative around this is being driven by people who, frankly, are posting untrue, unhinged conspiracy theories, and that some transparency here would make a lot of it go away.”
He explained that he chose to publicly disclose his recent phone conversation because he believed many Americans had begun assuming the worst.
“To be honest with you, I was surprised when he called me, and one of the reasons I put out my tweet when I did my post, sorry, when I did, was that I just thought, hey, everybody sort of seems to think he’s either dead or not capable of chatting. And since I had talked to him, I thought that was valuable information.”
Jennings emphasized that he has no knowledge of McConnell’s medical condition or when the senator may return to work.
“Now, when he plans to go back to work, I have no idea. I don’t know anything about his medical records. I’m not his doctor. I’m not in his family, and I’m not in a position to make any pronouncements about that,” he said. “My advice has been a statement to the people of Kentucky on the day of or before the Senate goes back into session, would be highly appropriate.”
Earlier this week, President Donald Trump was also asked whether he had received any information about McConnell’s condition.
“I have no idea,” Trump told reporters aboard Air Force One. “I have no idea how he’s doing.”
McConnell’s office has continued to say only that the senator is improving while receiving medical care and remains engaged in Senate business, but it has not released a diagnosis or announced when he may return to Capitol Hill, Mediaite reported.
As Congress prepares to reconvene, Jennings’ comments add to the growing bipartisan calls for greater transparency about the health of the longtime Kentucky senator, whose absence has now stretched for nearly a month.
House Shock Vote 237-169 — 33 Democrats Break Ranks
House Democrats split sharply again over Israel on Thursday as 33 members joined most Republicans to approve legislation that would attach federal higher-education funding consequences to certain institutional boycotts of Israel.
The House passed H.R. 4795, the Protect Economic and Academic Freedom Act of 2026, by a 237-169 vote on September 3. The official roll call shows 203 Republicans, 33 Democrats and one independent voting yes, while 167 Democrats and two Republicans voted no. Twenty-seven members did not vote.
The final tally confirms the central political point in the original story: a substantial group of Democrats broke with House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries on a measure tied directly to the increasingly divisive debate over Israel, campus protest and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement.
But the vote is more complicated than a simple division between lawmakers willing to confront anti-Israel boycotts and lawmakers unwilling to do so.
Jeffries himself says he opposes BDS. New York Democrat Jerry Nadler, one of the bill's most prominent critics, also says he strongly opposes BDS. Their objection is that the legislation uses federal funding leverage in a way they believe could punish constitutionally protected political expression or give the executive branch excessive power over universities.
That distinction is essential to understanding why the House vote exposed a Democratic divide without cleanly separating the caucus into supporters and opponents of Israel.
H.R. 4795 was sponsored by Republican Rep. Virginia Foxx of North Carolina and co-sponsored by Democratic Rep. Josh Gottheimer of New Jersey. One notable detail in the official roll call is that Gottheimer did not cast a vote on final passage, even though he helped author and publicly champion the bill.
The measure began as the Protect Economic and Academic Freedom Act of 2025 and was later amended and reported from committee under the 2026 title. The House Education and Workforce Committee approved the amended legislation before it reached the floor under a closed rule.
The bill would change the Higher Education Act by requiring colleges participating in federal student-aid programs to promise that they will not engage in what the legislation defines as a 'nonexpressive commercial boycott' of a major strategic partner of the United States.
Under the text, a nonexpressive commercial boycott includes refusals to deal or terminations of business activity intended to limit commercial relations with the covered partner when the action is not based on a valid business reason. The bill does not purport to prohibit criticism, protest or political advocacy as such.
For practical purposes, the provision is aimed at Israel. The statutory definition incorporates the special 'major strategic partner' designation Congress created for Israel and extends the restriction to entities licensed or regulated by, or organized under the laws of, that country.
That last phrase is one of the most contested parts of the legislation because critics argue it can sweep in Israeli entities located in West Bank settlements. Nadler and the pro-Israel organization J Street both objected that the bill blurs the distinction between Israel and territory beyond the Green Line.
The bill would also impose new conditions on institutions receiving certain Title VI international-education and foreign-language funds. Universities would have to certify that their students and faculty may participate in academic programs in Israel on the same terms as comparable programs in other foreign countries, and that students and faculty from Israeli institutions receive comparable access to programs in the United States.
That wording is more specific than the shorthand claim that schools merely have to certify students are not 'unreasonably obstructed.' The reported version of the bill requires equal treatment in the manner, terms and conditions applied to academic exchanges.
The financial stakes can be significant. The Congressional Budget Office said an institution violating the new program-participation requirements could lose eligibility for federal student-aid programs, including Pell Grants and student loans. Institutions failing the international-program certification could lose eligibility for the affected Title VI funds.
CBO nevertheless projected little federal budget impact because it expects universities would generally comply with the requirements rather than forfeit eligibility.
Supporters say the legislation targets discriminatory institutional conduct, not protected student speech.
Foxx argued during the House debate that university boycott policies can marginalize Jewish students and create hostile environments. She accused institutions embracing such policies of discriminating against people of the Jewish faith and said, 'Now is not the time for talk. It is the time for action.'
Gottheimer has framed the BDS movement as a threat to Israel and to academic freedom, arguing that Jewish students have faced threats, assaults and obstruction on campuses. In promoting the bill, his office said the legislation protects free speech while preventing federally supported institutions from imposing discriminatory commercial or academic boycotts.
Supporters therefore draw a legal line between advocacy for a boycott and a university's own purchasing, contracting or academic-access decisions. Their argument is that Congress may regulate the latter as conduct tied to federal funding even when the institution explains the conduct with political speech.
The constitutional question is not invented. The House committee report itself acknowledges that the core legal dispute is whether anti-BDS laws regulate economic conduct or protected political expression.
Supporters point to cases such as Rumsfeld v. Forum for Academic and Institutional Rights, in which the Supreme Court held that requiring law schools to provide military recruiters equal access regulated conduct rather than suppressing the schools' political message. They also cite an Eighth Circuit decision upholding an Arkansas anti-BDS contracting law on the theory that purchasing decisions were nonexpressive commercial conduct.
Critics point to a different line of precedent, especially NAACP v. Claiborne Hardware, the Supreme Court's 1982 decision protecting peaceful political activity associated with a civil-rights boycott. Their position is that a politically motivated institutional boycott can carry expressive meaning that the government cannot simply erase by labeling it 'nonexpressive.'
Nadler made that argument directly. He said he considers BDS strategically misguided and morally objectionable but still believes its supporters possess First Amendment rights. He called H.R. 4795 a direct attack on those protections and also objected to its treatment of Israeli entities beyond the Green Line.
Jeffries reached a similar conclusion from a different angle. In an official statement after the vote, he said Jewish students deserve safety and security and reiterated his opposition to BDS, but called H.R. 4795 poorly written. He argued that it could give President Trump power to launch punitive political attacks on colleges and universities.
Progressive Rep. Rashida Tlaib of Michigan went further during debate, calling the measure 'an attack on free speech and academic freedom' and accusing supporters of using the legislation to defend what she described as a genocidal apartheid state. Her language reflects one of the sharpest edges of the Democratic argument over Israel.
Those objections are not confined to the party's progressive wing. J Street, a pro-Israel organization that opposes the global BDS movement, also opposed H.R. 4795. It argued that conditioning federal support on institutional investment, procurement and partnership choices could burden protected speech and academic freedom, particularly where universities seek to distinguish between Israel and West Bank settlements.
The split therefore cuts across familiar labels. Some of the bill's Democratic supporters are among the party's strongest pro-Israel voices. Some opponents are also avowedly pro-Israel but believe Congress chose an unconstitutional or overly broad mechanism.
The roll call captured that tension. Jeffries voted no. Former Speaker Nancy Pelosi voted no. Rep. James Clyburn voted no. Tlaib voted no. But 33 Democrats voted yes, including members from competitive districts as well as lawmakers with long records of support for Israel.
The two Republicans who opposed the bill were Thomas Massie of Kentucky and Warren Davidson of Ohio. One independent, Kevin Kiley of California, voted for it. Those details matter because the final 237 votes were not simply the Republican conference plus 33 Democrats.
The vote came less than two months after an even more dramatic Democratic split over U.S. military aid to Israel.
On July 15, the House rejected a Massie amendment that would have eliminated $3.3 billion in proposed military assistance for Israel. The amendment failed 104-314, with 10 members voting present.
The official party breakdown showed 103 Democrats joining Massie in support of eliminating the funding, while 98 Democrats voted against his amendment and 10 Democrats voted present. Jeffries opposed the aid-cutting amendment, while Democratic Whip Katherine Clark supported it.
That July vote was not identical to Thursday's anti-BDS vote. The Massie amendment dealt directly with government military assistance; H.R. 4795 regulates funding conditions for American colleges. But taken together, the votes show that Israel policy is no longer producing predictable Democratic voting blocs.
Public opinion helps explain why. A Quinnipiac University national poll released June 24 found that 66 percent of Democratic registered voters believed the United States was too supportive of Israel. Only 18 percent of Democrats said the level of support was about right, while 9 percent said it was not supportive enough.
The same poll found 48 percent of registered voters overall saying the United States was too supportive of Israel, the highest figure Quinnipiac had recorded since it began asking the question in 2017.
Those numbers do not dictate how Democratic lawmakers will vote on any particular bill, but they demonstrate why the party's internal debate has moved far beyond the margins. Positions that once would have been confined to a small progressive bloc now attract substantial support from Democratic voters and, in some cases, from large numbers of Democratic members of Congress.
Republicans see a political opportunity in that change. They have repeatedly forced votes that put Democrats on record on Israel, antisemitism, campus protest and military aid. Supporters say those votes address genuine policy questions. Democrats often respond that Republicans are deliberately combining substantive issues with election-year wedge politics.
Both things can be true at the same time. Antisemitism on campuses is a real problem that Congress has investigated repeatedly since the October 7, 2023 Hamas attack. At the same time, the legal response to antisemitism can create separate constitutional questions when government funding is conditioned on political or commercial choices connected to Israel.
That is why describing every opponent of H.R. 4795 as unwilling to protect Jewish students would be misleading. Jeffries, Nadler and J Street all explicitly condemn antisemitism and BDS while opposing this particular bill.
It would be equally incomplete to describe H.R. 4795 as simply banning pro-Palestinian speech. The text is drafted to target institutional commercial boycotts and discriminatory treatment of Israeli academic programs, and supporters insist ordinary advocacy, criticism and protest remain protected.
The unresolved issue is whether courts would accept Congress's distinction between 'nonexpressive' commercial conduct and politically motivated institutional boycott activity in all of the circumstances the statute could reach.
That question could become important if the bill becomes law. A university penalized for a boycott could argue that its decision was expressive political conduct protected by the First Amendment. The government could respond that it regulated only commercial eligibility conditions attached to federal funds.
The legislation now goes to the Senate, where passage is not guaranteed. Even if the Senate takes it up, lawmakers could amend the language governing settlements, academic exchanges or the definition of a commercial boycott before any final version reaches President Trump.
For House Democrats, however, the political impact of the vote is immediate. Thirty-three members broke with Jeffries and helped produce a comfortable majority for a bill closely associated with the Republican campaign against campus BDS activity.
For Jeffries, the challenge is broader than maintaining party discipline. He is trying to hold together a caucus in which some members view continued strong support for Israel as a core strategic and moral commitment, others want major changes in U.S. policy, and still others occupy positions that shift depending on whether the issue is military aid, antisemitism, free speech or settlement policy.
The strongest defensible version of the story is therefore not simply that 33 Democrats stood up to anti-Israel boycotts while Jeffries sided against them.
It is that the House passed a bipartisan anti-BDS funding bill 237-169; 33 Democrats supported it despite opposition from their leader; Jeffries and several other prominent Democrats opposed the legislation while also opposing BDS; the bill would place real federal funding conditions on universities; and its attempt to classify covered boycotts as nonexpressive commercial conduct sets up a serious First Amendment dispute.
The vote unquestionably exposes a growing Democratic divide over Israel. But the dividing line is no longer just pro-Israel versus anti-Israel. It now runs through military aid, campus safety, settlement policy, executive power, academic freedom and the constitutional status of political boycotts.
That makes H.R. 4795 more than another symbolic Israel vote. If the Senate advances it, the next battle may move from the House floor to the courts.
